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To many outside observers of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there would appear to be one eminently sensible solution: in exchange for recognition and adequate security guarantees, Israel should return the West Bank and the Gaza strip, subject to minor boundary modifications, to the Palestinians (led by a moderate PLO). The Palestinians would then exercise their right to self-determination and establish an independent state with or without a link to Jordan. And yet, this solution has found favor neither with successive Israeli governments nor with the PLO.
First published in 1985, Israel and the Creation of a Palestinian State (now with a new preface by the author) analyses the reasons for the rejection of this solution by the protagonists. It then sets up a vision of a possible solution which, by taking account of the subjective fears and aspirations of the parties, may be regarded as more feasible.
The author's vision draws inspiration from the experience of reconstructing a new transnational order in Europe after the ravages of the Second World War. The underlying theme focuses on the limitations of the purely national context as a framework for resolving the current political problems of the Israeli-Palestinian dilemma.
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To many outside observers of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there would appear to be one eminently sensible solution: in exchange for recognition and adequate security guarantees, Israel should return the West Bank and the Gaza strip, subject to minor boundary modifications, to the Palestinians (led by a moderate PLO). The Palestinians would then exercise their right to self-determination and establish an independent state with or without a link to Jordan. And yet, this solution has found favor neither with successive Israeli governments nor with the PLO.
First published in 1985, Israel and the Creation of a Palestinian State (now with a new preface by the author) analyses the reasons for the rejection of this solution by the protagonists. It then sets up a vision of a possible solution which, by taking account of the subjective fears and aspirations of the parties, may be regarded as more feasible.
The author's vision draws inspiration from the experience of reconstructing a new transnational order in Europe after the ravages of the Second World War. The underlying theme focuses on the limitations of the purely national context as a framework for resolving the current political problems of the Israeli-Palestinian dilemma.